Society
New education policies leave 'heavy mark' on Russian children
A psychologist warns that in today's Russia, a child's only real defense against state propaganda may be the courage of their own family.
![Pupils of a secondary school listen to Russia's President Vladimir Putin's address at the first day of the new school year in Moscow on September 1, 2025. [Alexander Nemenov/AFP]](/gc6/images/2025/11/26/52940-afp__20250901__72zt8zq__v1__highres__russiaeducationschoolday-370_237.webp)
By Ekaterina Janashia |
In a Moscow apartment, a psychologist watches Russia's new generation being shaped by forces far larger than their schools. She sees children reciting patriotic slogans they barely understand and parents whispering truths they fear their kids might repeat. What worries her most is not just the propaganda itself, but what happens when a child begins to trust the state's voice more than their family's.
"The family's position is crucial in this situation," Inga, a psychologist in Moscow, told Kontur on condition of anonymity. She warned that the Kremlin's modern education system and patriotic programming "could leave a heavy, long-term mark on the entire future life of generations" unless parents step in.
The danger lies in families that avoid political conversations or hide their views.
"For example, parents hide their position, and the child is told that this is all an adult business, and they should listen to what they're told at school and believe it," she said.
![Pupils walk along a hallway of a school decorated with a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin, the country's coat of arms along with a national tricolor flag, in Kursk on October 17, 2024. [Andrey Borodulin/AFP]](/gc6/images/2025/11/26/52941-afp__20241025__36kt2gf__v1__highres__russiaukraineconflictkursk-370_237.webp)
Such contradictions can leave a lasting imprint.
"This is harmful: you can't rely on your immediate circle, you don't know how to behave, and you don't develop any values. It will always be difficult for a person to form their own opinion."
Her conclusion is blunt: the best way to limit the psychological impact of propaganda is "to be on the child's side," speak honestly, and make clear where the family stands.
Shaping the next generation
Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Russian government has sharply intensified and centralized military-patriotic education, reducing school autonomy and enforcing a uniform ideological message nationwide.
Parents interviewed by Kontur said they feel the tightening grip. Students now encounter a steady stream of lessons and activities that promote reverence for military service, loyalty to the Kremlin and the idea that the war is both normal and justified.
"The overall goal is to raise a new generation of loyal, militarized citizens who accept the official version of history and the 'normalcy' of war, thereby sustaining the Kremlin's authoritarian control and war efforts," Inga said.
Loyalty, recruitment and control
A November 10 study by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs compared the new system to Soviet-era ideological instruction. The measures are mandatory for all students and supported by substantial state funding. The report said the programs are designed to instill loyalty, elevate "traditional values" and present the war as a defensive fight against a hostile West.
Researchers say the post-2022 expansion serves three core Kremlin goals.
The first is loyalty. Schools portray Russia as a "besieged fortress," glorify the military and frame individual interests as subordinate to communal duty.
Programs double as screening tools: teachers and youth leaders are encouraged to identify loyal students, while organizations such as Rospatriotcentr have profiled children ages 12 to 18. The aim, according to the study, is to spot potential young leaders and isolate critics.
The second goal is recruitment. With the armed forces seeking 1.5 million personnel, schools must now teach basic military skills. Veterans of the war in Ukraine, some struggling with reintegration, are hired by schools, giving them income and status while reinforcing narratives of sacrifice and heroism.
A third function is political control. By normalizing war and rewarding participation in state initiatives, the programs extend the Kremlin’s reach into family life and discourage dissent.
Parents adapt, quietly
The new environment has reshaped daily routines for families like Alexander's in Saint Petersburg.
Each evening, the 73-year-old watches state TV to gauge events in Ukraine and elsewhere -- even though he mistrusts the broadcasts.
"I know everything they say is a lie, but according to these lies, I can guess what reality might be," he told Kontur on condition of anonymity.
His 9-year-old grandson, Sasha, a third-grader, often sits beside him. Alexander mutters curses at anchors and officials, then immediately warns the boy not to repeat anything at school. Teachers, classmates or parents could report them.
"So far, we've had no problem," he said. "He is a smart kid and understands everything. But I want him to know that what Russia does to its own people and to the world is a crime."
The dynamic reminds him of Soviet times, when people avoided political conversations outside trusted circles.
"We are actually teaching our kids to lie…. This is awful…. But we have no choice; they need to know the truth, but at the same time, they are learning to hide it, to keep it a secret from others," Alexander said.
As Inga sees it, this reality only increases the importance of a family's clarity, honesty and support -- now the only reliable counterweight to a system built to shape children into something else.