By Murad Rakhimov | 2026-02-10

What began as familiar talk-show bravado on Russian state television has taken on a sharper edge.

In January, two of the Kremlin's most prominent ideological voices openly questioned whether Central Asian states should be allowed to remain sovereign at all, triggering alarm across the region and exposing how far Moscow's war rhetoric now extends beyond Ukraine.

Moscow's 'zone of influence'

Appearing on the program Solovyov Live, Kremlin propagandist Vladimir Solovyov said Central Asia lies within Moscow's vital interests and warned Russia must not lose influence in the region. He argued that, given the current global situation, Russia should focus less on distant theaters such as Syria or Venezuela and more on neighboring states, saying developments in former Soviet republics affect Russians far more than events in Latin America.

Solovyov said Russia must clearly define its goals and interests and declared that the "time for political games" had passed. He openly raised the possibility of military operations in countries the Kremlin considers part of its sphere of influence.

"If it was necessary for our national security to launch the special military operation on Ukrainian territory, then why, based on the same considerations, can't we launch a special military operation in other areas of our zone of influence?" said Solovyov.

He described a potential loss of influence in Central Asia as "a gigantic problem" for Russia and at times referred to the region using Soviet-era geographic terminology.

On January 15, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova distanced the government from the remarks, calling them "the opinion of a journalist" and saying they did not reflect official policy.

Three days later, Aleksandr Dugin, a Russian philosopher and one of the main architects of the "Russian world" ideology, echoed and amplified the message. In a statement circulated on Telegram, Dugin listed countries he said should not be allowed to retain sovereignty in the coming global order.

"…It is impossible to agree to the existence of a sovereign Armenia or sovereign Georgia or sovereign Azerbaijan, sovereign Kazakhstan, sovereign Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan. There can be nothing sovereign in this new model. That's it, sovereignty is over, nation states are a thing of the past...," said Dugin.

Backlash in Uzbekistan

The remarks by Solovyov and Dugin triggered a sharp reaction among Uzbek-speaking users online. Social media comments and responses to news coverage reflected anger, fear and deep skepticism toward Moscow's intentions.

"I feel for Russia and Russians. With 'friends' like Solovyov and Dugin, they probably don’t need enemies. Russians have been dying in the war against Ukraine for years now. And now these individuals want Russians to also die in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan…" one commenter wrote.

"Central Asia needs to support Ukraine. The fate and freedom of many peoples of the former Soviet republics... depends on this war. Only Ukraine can stop this occupier."

Facebook user Alexey Ulko wrote on January 13 that talk of "expanding the special military operation" was designed to distract from what he described as Russia's creeping aggression through ostensibly peaceful means, including attempts to gain control over energy systems, communications, education, business and culture.

Uzbek blogger and public opinion leader Nikita Makarenko said Solovyov was broadcasting messages delivered on Kremlin orders. He warned against romanticized narratives about a shared Soviet past.

"We need to see it clearly now: All these [Ivan] Krylov fables about a 'common past,' 'glorious USSR' and 'common victory' are just a mask for neocolonialism. No one sees us as equal allies and partners," Makarenko wrote on Telegram.

He urged closer scrutiny of organizations such as Russian House and Kremlin-backed media outlets, which he said promote imperial interests rather than defending Russian-speaking minorities in Uzbekistan.

"We, the Russian-speaking citizens of Uzbekistan, must unite around the idea of a peaceful, sovereign Uzbekistan and build our own independent lives, without colonial 'masters.' And protect our home," he wrote.

War beyond Ukraine

Anvar Nazirov, a political scientist from Tashkent, said the statements by Solovyov and Dugin should not be dismissed as personal opinions. He said they function as a Kremlin signaling mechanism.

"They say what the Russian government cannot say out loud. Before Dugin and Solovyov, [Vladimir] Zhirinovsky had a monopoly on that. So, Maria Zakharova's claim about supposed 'personal statements' is untrue," Nazirov told Kontur.

Nazirov argued that Russia is waging a hybrid war against Central Asian states. He cited two main reasons for it. First, after four years of war, the region has not become a reliable "gray corridor" for sanctions evasion, despite Kremlin efforts. Second, Central Asian governments have increasingly built ties with the European Union, the United States, Japan, Turkey and South Korea, effectively pushing Russia out of its former dominant position.

He said Moscow remains resentful toward republics it still views as a fiefdom and that economic decline and battlefield failures in Ukraine have increased pressure on the Kremlin to manipulate domestic opinion.

"Against this backdrop, they have to entice the people with new aggression. War is an important element of state ideology and national identity in the era of Putinism and the so-called 'Russian world' that [President Vladimir] Putin is building," Nazirov said.

He called for blacklisting individuals and nationalist groups that attack Central Asian countries or promote hostility toward migrant workers. Nazirov also urged regional leaders to reduce symbolic dependence on Moscow, including reconsidering participation in the annual May 9 parade and major joint projects such as Rosatom's nuclear power plant initiatives.

Kyrgyz journalist Adil Turdukulov said Russian television propaganda has grown increasingly aggressive. He described Solovyov's remarks as a logical extension of that trend.

"They are trying to compensate for their failures on the front with this kind of hate speech, but with an even more caustic, more pernicious vocabulary," Turdukulov told Kontur.

Uzbek migrant worker Bakhtiyor, who lives in Moscow, said the rhetoric has created fear and confusion among ordinary people. He noted the contradiction between Russia recruiting Central Asian migrants for military contracts while openly discussing possible operations against their home countries.

"Wasn't the blood spilled in Ukraine enough for them?" Bakhtiyor told Kontur, adding that relatives in Uzbekistan now urge him to return home, taking the threats literally.